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Thursday, December 08, 2016

Pearl Harbor was not the first or the only place that Japan attacked on December 7/8, 1941 - Professor Nobuyoshi TAKASHIMA's Talk in Vancouver (English Translation) 真珠湾攻撃は、当日の日本軍によるアジア太平洋地域での同時多発的攻撃の一つに過ぎない。高嶋伸欣バンクーバー講演英語版

1941年12月8日、日本が東南アジア各地とハワイで英米軍に対して同時多発攻撃を行って始まった3年8カ月のアジア太平洋戦争。この記念日特集として、昨年戦後70周年記念としてバンクーバーで開催した高嶋伸欣氏(琉球大学名誉教授)の講演(2015年10月17日)「和解に向けて―アジア太平洋戦争終結70周年記念講演ー」の英語訳を紹介します。日本語版はこちらをクリックしてください。 
To mark the 75th anniversary of the December 7/8 (depending on the time zones), 1941 Imperial Japan's simultaneous attacks against British and American colonies and bases throughout the Asia-Pacific, which started the 3 years and 8 months of Japanese war against Allied Nations, Peace Philosophy Centre presents an English version of the talk by Professor Nobuyoshi Takashima, Emeritus Professor of the University of Ryukyus, which was held in Vancouver, BC, Canada on October 17, 2015, to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the ending of the Japanese wars of the Asia-Pacific. Professor Takashima has spent the last four decades trying to teach the public that the nature of the Japanese war against Allied nations that started on December 7/8, 1941 was Japan's invasion into Southeast Asian countries for their rich resources, such as the oil of Indonesia (then Dutch East Indies) and iron ores of Malay Peninsula (then British Malaya) in order to continue their invasaion and war against China that had been going on since 1931. He has been leading study tours to Malaysia and Singapore to learn and teach about the massacres of people of Chinese decent by the Japanese Army during the war.

We all know Japanese Navy's attack of US Navy base at Pearl Harbor, but how many of us know that Japanese Army's attack on Kota Bharu, Malaysia against the British Army happened more than an hour before Pearl Harbor? Here is the timeline of the day (December 8, by the Japanese time zone). 

Kota Bahru, Malaysia:                                                                02:15
Pearl Harbor, Hawaii:                                                                 03:20
Landing of 5th Division into Thai territory of Malay Peninsula:          04:12
Bombing of Seletar Military Port, Singapore:                                  05:38
Bombing of Hong Kong:                                                              08:00
Bombing of Guam:                                                                     08:30
Bombing of Wake Island:                                                             10:10
Bombing of Clark Airfield, the Philippines:                                      13:32

(Source: Kihata Yoichi, Sasaki Ryuji, Takashima Nobuyoshi, Fukazawa
Yasuhiro, Yamazaki Gen, Yamada Akira, Document: Shinju wan no hi (Document: The Day of Pearl Harbor), Otsuki Shoten, 1991)

Overemphasis on the memory of Pearl Harbor obscures the true nature and significance of Japanese wars of the Asia-Pacific. It was not a Japan-U.S. war. It was not just the United States that won the war. It was the anti-imperialist resistance and resilience of people of China and all the other Asia-Pacific countries that were colonized and invaded by Japan and the military forces of the Allied Nations that defeated the Japanese Empire. 

Later this month, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is set to visit Pearl Harbor to stage another political performance with the U.S. President Barack Obama to show off the U.S.-Japan military alliance, just as they did when Mr. Obama came to Hiroshima on May 27 this year. We should not let the two leaders,  particularly Mr. Abe who is known for denial of Japan's aggressive past, get away with preying on the memory of the war in which hundreds of millions of people of Asia and hundreds of thousands of Allies' POWs were victimized by the Japanese Empire's colonial rule and military aggression. 

Satoko Oka Norimatsu, December 8, 2016 
 Here is Professor Nobuyoshi Takashima’s talk.


Toward Reconciliation: The 70th Anniversary of the end of the Second World War in the Asia-Pacific

October 17, 2015 at the Unitarian Church of Vancouver (BC, Canada)

Translated by Koki Norimatsu, with the assistance of Satoko Oka Norimatsu
Nobuyoshi Takashima and Satoko Oka Norimatsu as
his interpreter. October 17, 2015. Photo by BC ALPHA

My name is Nobuyoshi Takashima. I came to Vancouver for the first time. I am glad to meet you.

The initial motive for me to visit Vancouver was to better understand the history of my father (Nobutaro Takashima), who was the first principal of Steveston Japanese School.

The Japanese passport with which he came here back then was preserved in my older brother’s house. According to its records, the year in which my father arrived here was 104 years ago, in 1911.

He worked as a teacher here for ten years, and returned to Japan in 1921.
I have several memories of my father’s students, who received his instruction during those ten years, visiting my father in Japan after the war.

I have always wanted to visit Vancouver once for these personal reasons, so I am very grateful that Ms. Satoko Norimatsu, and the members of VSA9 here have planned this event, and given me this opportunity to speak to you.

The members of VSA9 all act under the belief that Japan must never return to its pre-war militarism. Thus, as one who has been researching Japanese atrocities in Southeast Asia for many years, I felt it would be appropriate for me to share my findings at a gathering such as this one.

The main focus of my research is to uncover the fact that during the war, the Japanese army had specifically targeted and killed those living in Southeast Asia, who were either Chinese or of Chinese descent.

To the families of those who have suffered, I am a Japanese—a member of the assailant nation. They were puzzled as to why I would be conducting such research, and were suspicious of my motives.

Initially I was visiting the sites of these atrocities alone. As a result I was told, for example, “Japanese shouldn’t come to places like this. Why are you here?” People there also yelled at me, almost hit me, throw stones at me, and protested against me for hours. I had many of such experiences.
Still, there was always somebody among the local Chinese people who would defend me, and explain that not all Japanese people were the same—that there were some like me too.

As a school teacher, I want to teach my students the truths of the invasions conducted, and the atrocities committed by the Japanese army during the war. As a means to do this I have come to inquire the people of Asia of such truths. I explained as such to them several times, and after repeated visits, the locals gradually understood me. Several of these local people showed their support, and offered to assist me in my search by collecting information.
Thanks to their support, I can now organize tours with others—mostly like-minded teachers—to Malaysia without the worry of conflicts. The local people would cooperate by explaining things and gathering information for us, and this is how this endeavour has sustained up to now.

As I reflect, I truly feel that my activities in Asia have only been made possible with the trust and understanding that have been accumulated with the help of the locals. Recently, as I grow old, there have even been several younger educators and scholars who say they are willing to succeed my work.
The first time I travelled to Malaysia was 1975. This means I have been continuing this process for forty one years.

This is an image of the feature article published on the Nanyang Siang Pau, a Chinese-language paper in Malaysia, on the date March 4th 1999.

This was when the Japanese government made clear its position to legislate the Hinomaru—the Rising Sun Flag as the national flag, and Kimigayo as the national anthem. When the position of the Japanese government was announced, this article was immediately published on this paper.

To the Chinese people of Malaysia the Hinomaru and its variant, the ensign of the Japanese Army, are reminders of a harsh past. They could not approve of the fact that the flag was becoming the official national flag.

Those countries which have been invaded by the Japanese believe strongly that Japan’s responsibility upon defeat was to properly own up to its wrongdoings. However the reality was quite on the contrary; the one with the heaviest responsibility of all, Emperor Hirohito, and his wife, the Empress, both fulfilled their lifespans unpunished. To the people of Asia, the Hinomaru is a deep reminder of this irresponsibility in Japanese society.

The headline of this article makes this position clear. It emphasized that Japanese militarism has not been abolished, and the establishment of the Hinomaru and Kimigayo as national symbols has proven this.

What is further worth noting is the following image of Yasukuni Shrine.
The fact that the Emperor Hirohito was unpunished, the existence of Yasukuni Shrine, and the Hinomaru form a trinity which together, to the people of Asia, symbolize Japan’s unwillingness to take responsibility for its wrongdoings during the war. This incident proved to us that every time something like this [legislation of the national flag and anthem] happens, it will immediately be published in this way.

This article was published in 1999. Even after 25 years of our investigations in Asia, such articles are still appearing. We were made to acknowledge once again, that as Japanese citizens, it is our responsibility to further pursue the truths of Japanese invasions during the war.

 

Again, this is a Southeast Asian newspaper article. This is a Chinese Singaporean newspaper, Lianhe Zaobao, May 25, 1990. 

This was in 1990, ten years before the previous article. The main headline outlines a speech made by Lee Kuan Yew, the Prime Minister of Singapore at the time.

He predicts here that soon a time will come when the post-war generation of Japanese people will claim political power in Japan. He continues to say that when that happens, that post-war generation of politicians will abandon its security treaty with the United States, independently develop its own military, and become a military power with its own nuclear weapons.

Aside from a short period in which the opposition held power, the conservative Liberal Democratic Party has been in power for the vast majority of Japan’s post-war years.

For us, this conservative party [LDP] held dangerous ideologies. That being said, the leaders of the party were from the generation which had experienced the wartime. As a result, their position against Japan’s pre-war militarism was one they shared with their oppositions.

However these leaders of the conservative party retire with age. They will inevitably be replaced by the following, post-war generation of Japanese. Once this happens, it can never be said for sure what these new leaders will do, considering their lack of war experience. This is what Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was predicting.

You may know already from watching the news, but currently Japan is rapidly undergoing a dangerous transition to militarism under the leadership of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

Abe was of course born after the war, just as his predecessors Koizumi and Fukuda were. We are again forced to learn from these kinds of newspaper articles, that Japan’s current situation is in fact exactly as Lee Kuan Yew foretold.

In this situation, we have been conducting research in Southeast Asia on the Japanese army’s invasions, and the entailing mass murder of civilians, with the support of many others. This means that our efforts are clearly in opposition with the political stance of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his party.

Inevitably, our efforts have repeatedly met interference from the government, conservatives with similar ideologies as Abe, and Japanese right-wingers. On the other hand, there are many who also support us both in Japan and in Southeast Asia, and thanks to them we are able to continue our activities.
Now I stand here, speaking of our work to people of Vancouver, Canada. Canada’s relevance to this matter has also been proposed here, as Canada was one of the countries which signed the San Francisco Peace treaty—a treaty that acquitted Japan of its war crimes. I hope my talk will give everybody here some material to think about and I am very grateful for this opportunity.



Finally, let’s get into the specifics of what exactly we have been doing in Southeast Asia, and what exactly we have discovered. This map, although it may be difficult to see, is a map showing Japan’s course of advancement from the Malay Peninsula into Singapore.

The Japanese army’s primary target upon landing on Malaya was the invasion of Singapore. This map shows how the Japanese military fought the British forces through Malay Peninsula.

If you look at the northern part of the east coast of this map, it says Kota Bharu. It’s where the third arrow is. The date recorded is December 8th. During the early morning of this day, the British forces stationed at a base in Kota Bharu clashed with the invading Japanese Army. What we call the Asia-Pacific War began here.

Many history books state that the Asia-Pacific War began with the Japanese bombing on Pearl Harbor. However, the battle in Kota Bharu began over an hour before Pearl Harbor. This is a fact recognized by the majority of historians today.

However, the large majority of Japanese journalists, mass media, and politicians disregard this fact, and repeatedly claim that Pearl Harbor was the beginning of the Asia-Pacific War.

The Japanese army’s true aim upon invading the Malay Peninsula was to claim the lands’ resources—iron ores from the Malay, and fossil fuels from the neighbouring Sumatera. It can be analyzed that the claims of Japanese media and politicians mentioned above, are made to obscure this fact to the public.
We have presented documents such as these to textbooks writers to prove that Kota Bharu was in fact already a battlefield over an hour before Pearl Harbor, and demanded multiple times for this fact to be entered in future editions of history textbooks.

As a result, current middle/high school history textbooks are increasingly changing their contents, to say that the war began from Kota Bharu.
That being said, this change alone took approximately thirty years to realize. In addition to this, the mass media’s position on historical revisionism is unwavering, and they continue to tell the public that Pearl Harbor ignited the Asia-Pacific War.

This year, as December 8th approaches, we will be attentively watching to see how the Japanese mass media take up this issue. I hope that you will also do the same here in Canada.

It took thirty years for the origins of the war to be accurately listed in the textbooks, so naturally it took even longer for further details of the invasion of Southeast Asia to be properly mentioned.

This (right) is a high school textbook from the 1980s. Among the approximately ten textbooks that were commonly used at the time, this particular one was the most popular, dominating fifty percent of the shares. Yet, somehow it could only spare the underlined area—about two measly lines—to mention the invasion of Southeast Asia.




These are four excerpts from the most recent versions of middle school history textbooks. It says that in Singapore, the Japanese army massacred approximately 35,000 civilians. The bones of these victims were excavated from around the island, reburied in one location, and a memorial was built upon them. This all happened in 1967. This is a photograph of this memorial—this, and this here too. So it can be seen that these textbooks give detailed descriptions of atrocities perpetrated by the Japanese army along with photographs.

There’s another one here so that makes four photographs. This fact is noted in four different textbooks.

As I previously explained, the mass murder of civilians by the Japanese army is now a properly written fact in textbooks. This means that this incident is now officially acknowledged as a truth by the Japanese ministry of education through textbook screening.


This is a Jinchuu-Nisshi, an official record of Japan’s military, and the unmoving proof of the massacres of civilians by the Japanese army. Each unit was instructed to keep a detailed record of what happened that day, and what they did on that day. In October of 1987, we discovered this one being preserved within Japan, and it was made widely public through the mass media in December of that year.

This particular example here is from a unit which committed the massacre of civilians in the state of Negeri Sembilan, located inland of the Malay Peninsula. Such official order of massacre was issued to different army units. It was the order for execution of so-called “hunting of enemy Chinese.” The order was as follows: to target and kill anybody of Chinese descent considered to be in opposition of the Japanese army, regardless of their gender or age. 

Upon accepting the Potsdam declaration, the Japanese Army Headquarters required that all such records of the battle be burned and destroyed. As a result the majority of these documents of other units are yet to be found.
On the other hand, this 11th Regiment of the 5th Army Division from Hiroshima made a mistake and its 1st and 2nd Battalions, including the 7th Company [which recorded the massacre in its Jinchu-Nisshi], were captured by US forces before Japan surrendered. Their documents were confiscated by the US military before they got a chance to burn them, and were later returned to the Japanese government after being used as evidence in a war crime trial, and then preserved until we discovered them.


I apologize for the small font size, but this is an excerpt from the Jinchuu Nisshi of March 1942. Under the entry of March 4th, this unit [7th Company] credits itself for bayonetting and killing fifty five “enemy Chinese. “
Now as we proceed to March 6th, here it says again that this unit bayonetted to death a hundred and fifty six more.

As you can see, the Japanese Army had advanced throughout the Malay Peninsula, bayonetting any Chinese civilians, children or elderly, women or men, on the spot without investigation or trial, or even a record of their identity. This happened on a daily basis.

These operations violated The Hague Land War Convention, which at the time Japan had already signed and ratified.

This international law, while accepting the inevitability of soldiers killing enemies in action, required that any prisoners of war without the will to fight must have their rights ensured. While those conducting military activities without a uniform are considered spies and do not receive the same treatment as said prisoners, the law still secures their rights to be properly tried. This applies even if the defendant is captured in action and it is clear that he/she is a spy. The Land War Convention asserts that the defendant must not be killed unless put under a trial, and properly judged into the death sentence.

Despite this law, the Japanese military had sent official orders to its units on the field, authorizing them to kill civilians according to their own judgement.
The massacre of Malaysian civilians on its own is proof that the Japanese Army had been waging a despicable war, which completely disregarded international law. We also know today that such downright violations of law were performed also throughout the mainland of China. Among the most infamous of such violations is the Nanking Massacre.

In Nanking, the decision to kill captive Chinese soldiers was made by the units  in the field. Without sufficient food supply for the prisoners of war, the front-line commanders ordered the soldiers to kill them. These facts have been discovered now from the diaries and testimonies by the former soldiers.
Among those held captive were soldiers who abandoned their uniforms. Although international law had it that such captives did not receive the treatment of prisoners and would be treated as spies, they still had to be tried in court.

If the Japanese military had abided by international law and tried these captives in court, there would have been records of it. It would have been easy, even today, to check their numbers and each of their names.

Because the Japanese military ignored international law and did not go through any kind of trial, there is no concrete record of exactly how many were killed. So even now as the Japanese side refutes the history saying that the “300,000 victims” that the Chinese side claims is “too many” or “a lie,” the Japanese themselves are unable to prove an accurate number either. The most they can do is give a vague estimate according to the information available. As of now, this debate on the number of casualties has continued for over half a century.

You may know already from the news, that the Japanese government has reacted hysterically to the Chinese proposal to register documents about Nanking Massacre with UNESCO Memory of the World. Japan has provoked controversy against China over this issue.

There is nothing justifiable about such recent behaviours of the Japanese government, if you would only look at the series of documents I have shown today. These behaviours by the Japanese government are truly shameful, as done by Japanese people, I think.  



Around the same time that we got our hands on the Jinchuu-Nisshi, we were also on the search for the graves and memorials of Malaysian victims with our local friends. What is on the screen is a summary of this endeavour. These two pages of my book published in 1992, using a map and several photographs, tell of thirty of such locations.

As you can see, a huge number of incidents took place within the state of Negeri Sembilan. As of 1992, we were able to recognize the existence of memorials built for each of these sites.

At first, we were really fumbling in the dark to find these places. We would aimlessly hit the road with our rental car, and if we were lucky enough to come across a Chinese graveyard, we would search it for any kind of clues. Eventually, as we were able to gain information from the local people as to where to search, by 1990, we were able to find a lot more of such places.
In 1992, when we were finally able to publish them in the form of this book, I knew that I had to return to Malaysia with a copy of these pages and tell them my gratitude. When I showed them, I learned that the local people had knowledge of memorials in their area, but had no idea that so many were scattered throughout Malaysia.

Many young Malaysian journalists felt that, seeing the Japanese people do such research, they should have done it themselves. I was pleased by their enthusiasm that they thought now it was their turn to take the initiative and conduct further research in the areas that we did not know fully yet.

As a result, the amount of information we could obtain from the local people of these areas—Northern Johor, the state of Perak, North of Kuala Lumpur, and the Northeastern region near Kota Bharu—grew exponentially.
Thanks to them, we have been able to identify seventy two of such graves and memorials.

Instead of keeping these findings to ourselves, we always try to tell them as widely as possible every time we reach a milestone in our research.

Many textbook writers, although they did not participate in our tours, have begun to use these findings and include them in their publications. Because the massacres in Malaysia have already been acknowledged as an official truth, the ministry of education can no longer tell these writers to cut this content. As of now, the situation allows for textbooks to have a certain degree of deterrence against historical revisionism, at least on the topic of Southeast Asia. However this also means that pressure from the revisionists—including Abe—is increasingly becoming heavier, both in the form of direct attacks against us, and in efforts to revise the textbooks.


Still, we cannot succumb to such pressures. We intend to continue uncovering and proving truths as a means of fighting historical revisionism.

Next I would like to tell you about a story of reconciliation that unfolded under such endeavours of ours.

During the war, the Japanese were conducting a “divide-and-rule” tactics on their occupied land, by deepening the division between the Chinese and Malay residents. The policies of ethnic division employed during the war fostered ill will that remains in Malaysia even today. However in this story, the increase in awareness of the past massacres led to the reconciliation of the two ethnic groups.

What you see in this photo is the grave of massacre victims that was found coincidentally in the jungle over thirty years ago. Underneath was 368 bodies, which were relocated from the temporary burial place. Over the years the existence of this grave was forgotten, and vegetation reclaimed the area. The photograph is from 1984, when it was once again found.

Its location is on the fringes of Negeri Sembilan, in a small village called Sungai Lui.

Although it was small in quantity, gold was being found in Sungai Lui at the time. People flocked to get their hands on this gold, and in front of the train station stood vendors, aiming to reap their share of the profits. The town was modestly flourishing, when the Japanese army invaded. It is said to be August 29th of 1980 that the Japanese rounded up all of the villagers at the train station, and specifically targeted and killed only those of Chinese descent.
The previous day, a Malay working for the Japanese military as a spy was killed by a Chinese member of the anti-Japan Guerrillas. This brash decision—to kill these civilians with little to no trial—by the Japanese was a form of retaliation. This is also recorded in the Jinchuu-Nisshi that I showed you above.

It is a well-known fact in western society that similar things have been done by the Nazis in Greece and Yugoslavia, but such incidents in Asia are often ignored.

What I would like everybody to pay attention is how the Japanese military had been using Malays as spies to combat the anti-Japan Guerrillas. They were using them in such a way that would induce in both groups—Chinese and Malay—a hatred against each other. Even during the massacre in Sungai Lui, Malay villagers were pushed aside while the Chinese were being murdered indiscriminately.

Even after this grave was rediscovered, the split in the demographic made during the war almost ignited another conflict. If you would take a look at this photograph, the trees around the grave have been cut clean and the area is brightly lit. This deforested land is the portion that was sold cheaply by the state government to Malay farmers as farmland.

The Malay residents of the village felt that their livelihoods were being endangered by the discovery of this grave—that the Chinese people were going to claim their farmland for their own. One after another, Chinese people who caught wind were coming to Sungai Lui to take a look. Some worried Malay villagers threw stones at the Chinese visitors, and the village was on the verge of a racial conflict.

To prevent any serious conflict, police officers were stationed in the village. For a considerable period, it was a frequent occurrence for Malays and Chinese to nearly clash, and for the police to have to intervene.

However even with a difference in race and religion, the Malays understood the significance of a grave to its people. Eventually they would feel less of a repulsion to losing their land, and came to a consensus that it wouldn’t hurt to give away a small amount of land around the grave.

After this process of reconciliation, we as Japanese are now able to visit a land that we would otherwise be repelled by. Upon our visit, we were able to know why the Malay villagers changed their minds. It was Muhyiddin, the Malay mayor of the village who coordinated the discussion among the Malay people.

At the time of the massacre, Muhyiddin was sixteen. He happened to be at the train station and witnessed the scene. He was told to stand aside by the Japanese soldiers, and watched, trembling with fear, as the Chinese villagers were being mowed down with Machine guns.

His memory was clear at the age of sixteen. He told us in tears of the atrocities that unfolded before his eyes.

In the time of conflict between the Chinese and the Malay, he was the one who convinced his people to give up a small portion of their farmland. He discussed the matter with the Chinese chief of the village, Lim, and played a large role in resolving the conflict.
Chinese and Malay mayors attend the memorial
ceremony together 

Every August, we have visited Sungai Lui during our tours and received updates from the Chinese mayor Lin. One year, he told us ecstatically that the Malays agreed to give away their land. He also said that he was collecting donations in order to raise money to refurbish the grave and the land around it, so I asked if we Japanese could donate too. He happily accepted the offer, so the next year we brought with us 10 thousand ringgits (approximately 300 thousand Japanese yen) for the village, which we had collected from people all over Japan.

Thanks to the people of Japan and locals of Malaysia who donated, and especially Mayor Lin who pulled a lot of money out of his own pocket, the said grave has now been beautifully refurbished as you can see in the below photo. 

Sungai Lui memorial, after the improvement 

On the other hand, the commander of the Japanese unit who gave the orders to kill the villagers bore much responsibility. The previous Jinchuu-Nisshi had a detailed record of what happened, so he was tried and put to the death sentence accordingly after the war.

The commander’s name was Second Lieutenant Tadashi Hashimoto, and the unit he led was from Hiroshima. He was single and had no wife or children, but had a nephew named Kazumasa Hashimoto. Kazumasa believed that his uncle’s war crimes cannot be forgotten. Out of a desire to visit Malaysia once and talk to the victims’ families, he joined us on our August 2012 tour and visited Sungai Lui. A Malaysian newspaper took this up too.

This (photo) is from this August (2015) when Kazumasa once again visited Sungai Lui. This time he came to meet Mayor Lin with his wife and son.

When he first joined us three years ago, Kazumasa was very worried about the backlash he could get from the locals of Sungai Lui. Understandable, as he is—after all—a relative of Tadashi Hashimoto. Against his expectations however, he was greeted by the villagers with open arms. They appreciated the courage it must have taken to set foot on that land, and insisted that he would come again. He gladly took up that offer and did indeed return this August—this time with his family.

Suzuko Numata 
I had previously said that the unit led by Tadashi Hashimoto was from Hiroshima. I would assume that you also know that Hiroshima is the city that fell to the atomic bomb—Little Boy. Suzuko Numata, a woman who lost a leg to this bomb, was against making herself solely a victim of the atomic bomb. 

Upon learning that it was soldiers from Hiroshima that conducted mass killings of civilians in Malaysia, she decided to take part in our tour of March 1989. Like Kazumasa, she was kindly greeted by the people of Malaysia.

This is a photograph from when Suzuko joined us to the site of the massacre. She gave a speech during a gathering with the Malaysian people, telling about how she learned three years ago from Takashima that massacres were conducted by soldiers of Hiroshima, and how she felt a responsibility to come to Malaysia once and give an apology to the people. We had the pleasure of being there, as the Chinese locals all stood up to welcome her speech. 


This (above) is a photograph is from 1994, when Prime Minister Murayama visited Singapore a year before his Murayama Statement—the statement which Prime Minister Abe is keen on denying. Murayama was the first Japanese prime minister to ever pay his respects to the Civilian War Memorial in Singapore, and this event was taken up as a significant event by Singaporean newspapers.




This (above photo) is concerning my own activities. When the bones of Singaporean victims were discovered, their belongings that were found along with their remains were mostly of the same type, and thus were mostly stored away. This is a newspaper article from when I requested for permission to take some of them home, so they could be exhibited for the public, and used as teaching material.

They initially declined my request that they could not lend such objects to the Japanese. Still I persisted every year, and several years later they accepted, saying that they trusted our sincerity.

This photograph is actually from when we returned them. Since they told us that they didn’t all need to be returned, thirty of these articles are still in Japan, and are being shown in classrooms, and at the Peace Museum of Ritsumeikan University. I have brought with me about ten of them, so I would appreciate if you would take a look at them later. For example, these are glasses. Glasses were among the most common belongings found among the remains, but they very seldom have names written on them and cannot be returned to the victims’ families.

Takashima at the time of his textbook lawsuit
­­­These articles were exhibited all around Japan and were seen by many eyes. It was proven that even in Japan, there were many who were interested in such matters. With cooperation from many people, I wrote in a high school textbook about the massacres conducted by the Japanese army in Malaysia. However through textbook screening, I was told not to write about these matters. In the end, I was made to withdraw my manuscript about this history. 

I took this matter to court, and took on the Minister of Education. I was able to claim victory in the first district court, but in the later high court and Supreme Court, I was forced into defeat by the government’s fallacious reasoning that the court approved of.

The first high school textbook with photos of a massacre memorial in Malaysia 
Still, this picture of a memorial (in the textbook above) was submitted by another author, and was approved by the textbook screening examiners. Now, both high school and middle school textbooks are able to be published with these kinds of photographs.

There are many of you here who can read Chinese, or Chinese characters. The biggest problem about my manuscript that was pointed out by the examiners, was the use of the character “”—locust. This character is a combination of “” which is used to signify the emperor, and the character “” which means “bug”. In this context, the said character is used as a substitute for “” in mentioning the “皇軍”—the emperor’s army. Due to it being a homonym for “”, and its fitting meaning of Locust—where they go, not a single plant is left—in Chinese Malaysian newspapers it is often used to describe the wartime Japanese military. I took a page of this newspaper article and put it in one of the pages of my textbook, only for it to be rejected by the examiner. He could not approve the profanity of associating a character meaning emperor with insects.

Upon having my manuscript rejected, I was faced with the reality that Japan’s conservatives just cannot live with anything that discredits the emperor in even the smallest way. This is why they also don’t like the idea of war responsibility—because the Japanese army at the time was the emperor’s army, which means the responsibility of the invasions will be put on the emperor.

In the issue of Nanyang Siang Pau—the Chinese Malaysian newspaper—which I showed previously, that stated how Japan’s militarism still has not been done away with, there was a photograph of the emperor. In addition to this, the textbook examiner from the ministry of education said that he could not forgive the use of a character that discredits the emperor. I feel that these two occurrences both speak to us of a problem that Japan’s emperor system holds.

I feel that at the root of today’s historical revisionism is the conservative sentiment of regarding the Emperor as an absolute being, and this is also a large factor in maintaining Japan’s militarism. While the people of Asia are extremely sensitive to signs of this, the people of North America and Europe seem to be more or less indifferent. How is it from your point of view? I would love to hear opinions.

Thank you for listening.

(End) 

Saturday, December 03, 2016

ダニエル・エルズバーグインタビュー「現在はキューバ危機以来の核戦争の危機」 Daniel Ellsberg Interview in Shukan Kinyobi (Nov. 25)

Daniel Ellsberg
Photo: Rick Carter 
『週刊金曜日』11月25日号から、当ブログ運営人・乗松聡子によるインタビュー記事を紹介する。

10月末、カリフォルニア州サンタ・バーバラで Nuclear Age Peace Foundation (核時代平和財団)によるシンポジウム「Fierce Urgency to Nuclear Zero」(切羽詰まった核兵器ゼロへの道)が開かれ、そこで元国防総省・国務省職員ダニエル・エルズバーグ氏にインタビューする機会を得た。

エルズバーグ氏は1971年、ランド研究所在籍中にベトナム戦争についての政府内部文書「ペンタゴン・ペーパーズ」を新聞にリークし、米国のベトナム撤退の一因を作ったことで知られる。正義のために身の危険を省みず内部告発した「ウィッスル・ブローアー」として伝説的存在となり、近年「ウィキリークス」のジュリアン・アサンジ、元CIA職員のエドワード・スノウデンらにも影響を与えている。

エルズバーグ氏は核問題の専門家でもあり、今回も開口一番、「自分の人生は核戦争を起こさないという目的のために捧げてきた」と言いきった。戦後の核軍拡競争と核戦争の危機を見つめてきた氏がこのこのインタビューでも上述の会議でも何度も強調していたのが、「今世界はキューバ危機(1962年)以来の核戦争の危機にさらされている」ということだった。そして核戦争を本当に起こすリスクはドナルド・トランプよりもヒラリー・クリントンの方が高いと。

エルズバーグ氏は、オバマ大統領が核先制不使用を検討したことに対し核被害をよく知る日本が反対したことに大変な危惧を抱いていた。核兵器ゼロの目標は重要であるが、喫緊の核戦争のリスクを回避するにはまず、米国がロシアや他国に対し核先制攻撃の脅しを解くことであると強調した。

このインタビューは大統領選直前に行ったものだ。ロシアを悪魔視し核のボタンに手をかけていたクリントンではなくロシアとの親和を訴えていたトランプが当選したことにより米ロ核戦争の危機は回避されたと思っている人も少なくないが、トランプの政策は予測不能なところがあり予断は許されない。

85歳のエルズバーグ氏はインタビュー中、私を通してすべての日本人に伝えたいと言わんばかりの気迫で、つばがかかりそうな勢いで訴えてきた。「日本こそが米国に核先制不使用を求めるべきだ。安倍首相がどう言おうとも、日本の市民が立ち上がって行動すべきだ」と。

だから私は週刊金曜日の読者以外の人たちにもエルズバーグ氏のメッセージを広く伝えたいのだ。許可をもらって記事を下に張り付けたので、ぜひ読んで拡散してほしい。記事画像をクリックすれば大きく見られる。 乗松聡子

★エルズバーグ氏は核問題を中心とした回顧録をこのたび完成させた。その中には1960年代初頭に岩国沿岸に配備されていた核兵器についての詳しい記述もある。近日中に出版予定。






Monday, November 21, 2016

宮古島の水を奪い、島全体を戦場とすることにつながる陸自配備に反対する母親の声を聞いてくださいA Miyakojima mother calls for cancellation of GSDF troops and missile deployment

前ブログ「宇宙に拡がる南西諸島の軍備強化」とセットで発表します。11月20日、宮古の自衛隊基地建設に反対する「11・20宮古島平和集会」が開かれ、約300人が参加しました。野党の県選出国会議員「うりずんの会」ー糸数慶子、赤嶺政賢、玉城デニー、照屋寛徳、仲里利信各氏も出席。沖縄タイムスの21日の報道によると、宮古島への陸上自衛隊・ミサイル部隊配備の撤回、高江ヘリパッド建設と辺野古新基地建設の中止を訴える決議書を下地敏彦市長、翁長雄志知事、安倍晋三首相、稲田朋美防衛相ら6者に郵送するという。この集会における、子を持つ母親を中心とし自衛隊配備に反対するグループ「てぃだぬふぁ島の子平和な未来をつくる会」の共同代表である石嶺香織(いしみね・かおり)氏のスピーチがとても素晴らしく、ひとりでも多くの人に読んでほしい、聞いてほしい、「平和」の原点に返るものだったので写真とともに紹介する。下方にビデオリンクも。(写真提供:芦川剛志氏)



壇上に立つ石嶺香織さん。
辺野古や高江で座り込みを続けている島袋文子さん(右)も駆けつけた。



今、防衛省が陸自配備計画を進めようとしている千代田には、水の問題が二つあります。
一つ目は、水道水源の汚染の可能性です。千代田カントリーも水道水源保全地域に隣接しているのです。
石嶺香織氏
宮古島には、水道水源保全地域が三つあります。白川田流域と、東添道流域、福里北流域です。
当初防衛省が予定していた福山への陸自配備計画は、白川田流域にかかっており、地下水汚染の可能性が否定できないとして、宮古島市は受け入れを拒否しました。
野原の航空自衛隊は、水道水源の東添道流域と川満流域の境目にあり、1キロ離れた千代田カントリーは上野流域にあります。しかし、水道水源の東添道流域と川満流域や上野流域の境目は、調査が不十分で流域界の精度が劣るとされています。第三次宮古島地下水利用基本計画には「一部の流域界では、時期による地下水流域界の移動が確認されている。」と書いてあります。
地下水審議会審議委員の前里先生のお話では、干ばつの時は流域界の水の移動はないが、水量の多い時期に地下水は行き来しているということでした。
つまり、もし千代田カントリーに基地ができて汚染が起こった場合に、水道水源である東添道流域が汚染される可能性があるということです。
前里先生や学術部会の渡久山先生は、基地を作る前に流域界の調査が必要だと訴えておられます。てぃだぬふぁでは、流域界の調査の必要性の審議のために地下水審議会の開催を求めていきたいと考えています。
二つ目の水の問題は、水量が不足する可能性です。航空自衛隊の近くに、野原配水池というのがあります。配水池というのは、上水道の配水量を調整するために一時蓄えておくタンクのことで、この野原配水池は下地、上野、城辺の一部、そして来間島までの水がいったん貯められます。
今でも観光客が多い時期などは水圧が下がることがあるそうですが、一カ所に800人もの隊員が、家族も入れて2千人とも言われていますが、その水がまかなえるのでしょうか?市民の水を奪うことにはならないでしょうか?宮古島市はこの対策は何も考えていません。
そしてもっと重要なことは、もし野原配水池が攻撃されたら、宮古島の南半分の水はストップするということです。
千代田に地対艦ミサイル部隊、地対空ミサイル部隊が配備されたら、千代田の基地や野原のレーダー基地が攻撃される可能性は格段に高まります。
その時に、この野原配水池が攻撃されれば、宮古島の南半分の命の水が途絶えてしまうのです。大切な命の水のそばに、基地など置いてはいけないのです。
国会議員のみなさん、この二つの水の問題も、ぜひ国会で訴えてください。
宮古島が戦場になることを、想像できていない人はいますか?
ミサイルを配備することは、戦場になることを意味します。このミサイルを、たった一度でも打てばどうなると思いますか?攻撃されます。
ミサイルは車載式です。トラックに載せて島中どこでも走り回ります。どこが戦場になるか分からない。基地予定地だけの問題じゃないんです。
てぃだぬふぁはこの一年半、基地配備を止めるために子育てや家事や仕事の時間を割いて、活動を続けてきました。子供たちにゆっくり絵本を読み聞かせしてあげる時間もなくなりました。
奪われていくものと戦うということは、どれだけ不毛なのでしょうか。本当は、育むもの、作り上げるもの、積み上げていくもののためにエネルギーを使っていきたい。
しかし、それでもなぜ奪われていくもの、戦争につながることと戦っているかと言えば、戦争の前では全てが消え去るからです。
育んだものも、作り上げたものも、積み上げたものも、一瞬にして失うからです。
命も、文化も、土地も、水も。
戦後多くの母親が、戦争に反対していれば良かった、子供が戦場に行くのを見送らずに、どんなことをしてでも止めれば良かった、一緒に逃げれば良かったと言っています。それは、心からの後悔、死ぬまで解放されることのない後悔ではないでしょうか。
しかし、戦争になる前、みな戦争が始まるとは思っていなかったはずです。今と同じように。
想像力を働かせなかったのです。なぜ人間に想像力が与えられたのか、危険を予測して命を守るためです。
子供たちの未来がいかに奪われないようにするか、そのことに時間を使うのはもうやめにしませんか?子供たちの未来をいかに作るかに、私たちのエネルギーを注ぎませんか?
そのために、宮古島市民は戦争につながる全てのものに、NOと言わなければいけない。声を大にして、きっぱりと基地を断りましょう。
戦争につながる日々は、もう平和な日々ではありません。戦争が始まるのを止める作業に時間を費やさなければならないからです。
私は、子供たちに絵本を読み聞かせしてあげる平和な夜を、取り戻したいと思います。
そして、高江にも、辺野古にも、普天間にも、石垣島にも、与那国島にも、沖縄の全ての場所に、平和な夜を取り戻しましょう。

宇宙に拡がる南西諸島の軍備強化:前田佐和子 Military Buildup of Nansei Islands - Yonaguni, Miyako, Ishigaki, Amami, and Space Technology: Sawako MAEDA

過去、このブログに沖縄の離島の教科書問題等について重要な論考を投稿した前田佐和子氏に、宇宙科学研究者の視点から南西諸島の軍備強化と、「準天頂衛星システム」の関係の可能性についての論考を寄稿いただいた。(転載・引用の場合はかならず初出としてこの投稿のURLにリンクしてください)。


宇宙に拡がる南西諸島の軍備強化


前田佐和子

(1)南西諸島への自衛隊配備
与那国島南牧場(2013年)
日本列島の西の端に位置する人口1500人の与那国島に、2016年3月28日、自衛隊沿岸監視部隊が配備され、約160人の隊員とその家族90人余りが移住してきた。それから半年、馬の親子がのんびりと歩いた緑豊かな南牧場は、ま新しい自衛隊駐屯地にとって代わられ、一面が赤土に覆われた異様な光景を呈している。 今では、沿岸を航行する艦船、上空の航空機などを監視するレーダーのアンテナが、島のあちこちに立っている。

2008年、与那国島の町議会が自衛隊誘致の決議を上げて以来、長きにわたって取り組まれてきた町民たちの反対運動を押し切っての配備であった。
与那国島久部良地区(駐屯地)
誘致の賛否を巡って地域社会が分断され、島の政治や人々の暮らしが、誘致に賛成した住民や自衛隊員たち、その家族の意向に左右されてしまうことが懸念される。周囲の長さが27kmの島で、自衛隊と混在して生活することを危惧する人々が、家族ごと島外に移住するという事態も起こっている。

翌3月29日には、集団的自衛権の行使を容認する安全保障関連法が施行された。自衛隊の活動が格段に強化され、米軍とのあいだで基地の共同使用が拡大されていくことを懸念する沖縄の琉球新報は、この日、大きな紙面をさいて「安保法施行、在沖自衛隊を増強」という記事を掲載した。与那国島に続いて、宮古島に初動対応にあたる警備部隊と地対艦・地対空ミサイル部隊を800人、石垣島と奄美大島にも550人配備する計画が、順次、具体化されようとしている。

(2)アメリカの対中国戦略と要塞化する南西諸島
南西諸島には、宮古島の航空自衛隊分屯基地を除いて、これまで自衛隊は配備されてこなかった。この地域の急激な軍事化の背景を、いわゆる‘尖閣’を巡る日本と中国の領土問題として報道する本土メディアは多い。しかし、米軍の辺野古新基地建設や高江のヘリパッド建設に加え、南西諸島に自衛隊を配備することは、中国に隣接する同盟国に軍事的な役割を担わせようとする、アメリカの対中国戦略の一環である。この対中戦略、「エアーシー・バトル」や、それに代わる「オフショア・バランシング」について、参議院議員伊波洋一氏は、雑誌「世界」1月号で詳しく述べている。(注1)「エアーシー・バトル」では、中国軍のミサイルによる先制攻撃の兆候に対して、米軍はグアムに退避するという。日本列島全体が戦場になることが予想され、その危険性についてアメリカでも批判が大きい。それに代わるものとして、「オフショア・バランシング」が台頭してきた。これは、‘米中全面戦争にはエスカレートさせない、そのために日本が沖縄を含む南西諸島を戦場として差し出すことを求める’というものである。

10月18日に宮古島で開かれた住民説明会では、防衛省担当者が、尖閣・極東の‘安保環境’がいかに危機的であるかを強調して陸上自衛隊配備の必要性を訴えた。しかし、参加した住民からは、配備に伴い宮古島地域が攻撃対象となるリスクや、有事の際の具体的な住民避難計画がないことに対して不安の声が上がり、発言のほとんどが配備に反対するものであったという。石垣島でも9つの団体と個人が「石垣島に軍事基地をつくらせない市民連絡会」を結成した。もっとも‘脅威’を感じているはずの住民たちのなかで、自衛隊の配備に反対する気運が高まっている。

南西諸島で軍備が強化されようとしていることに対し、各島の運動をつなぐ「南西諸島ピースネット」が作られた。基地建設反対の闘いに加わる人々は次第に視野を拡げ、中国を包囲するアメリカのミサイル防衛戦略と、それに組み込まれた日韓の軍備拡大が、問題の根本要因であることを理解するようになった。この戦略では、日本海から太平洋に出ようとする中国の艦船を検知し攻撃する地対艦ミサイル部隊、それに続いて飛来する航空機を監視、迎撃する地対空ミサイル部隊を、南西諸島に配置する。これらミサイル部隊は、中国の艦船の太平洋への通過を阻止し、第一列島線の内側に閉じ込めるというアメリカの戦略に組み込まれたものである。

(3)準天頂衛星追跡管制局の設置
与那国島に自衛隊が配備されようとしていた昨年後半から今年初めにかけて、宮古島、石垣島に目新しいアンテナが設置された。種子島、久米島にも、同様の設備がほぼ同時期に設置されている。
準天頂衛星石垣追跡管制局
(写真提供:山里節子)
準天頂衛星の追跡管制局と呼ばれるものである。沖縄本島恩納村には、前年に設置されている。準天頂衛星は、「測位衛星」である。
4機以上の衛星からの電波を地表の受信機で受信し、受信点の地理上の位置を特定するもので、日本版GPS(全地球測位システム)」と呼ばれる。[S.M.1] 測位をする際に必要となる衛星の位置と時刻の情報は、各管制局で受信した衛星からの電波情報をもとに計算され、恩納村の管制局に送られて、そこから再び衛星に送信される。南西諸島の各地に一斉に設置された追跡管制局は、準天頂衛星と電波の送受信をする、このシステムの基本的な構成要素である。文部科学省のJAXA(宇宙航空研究開発機構)が開発主体となって、2010年に準天頂衛星1号機が打ち上げられた。これの開発に総額735億円がつぎ込まれた。それ以降は開発の主体が内閣府に移り、年間150~250億円の予算がついている。

準天頂衛星システムについて、南西諸島の自衛隊配備とは無関係であるとみなす人が多い。今年の8月13日付け琉球新報は、石垣島の「南の島の星まつり」記念講演会で行われた、国立天文台副台長と内閣府宇宙開発戦略推進事務局行政官の講演を報じている。前者は、国立天文台のプロジェクト「VERA」についての講演である。岩手県から石垣島にかけて設置された4基の電波望遠鏡を一体的に運用して、遠方の天体の位置を計測するという、純粋に科学の話であり、地元でもVERAの愛称で呼ばれ親しまれている。
VERAの石垣観測局
(写真提供:山里節子)
しかし、石垣島のVERA電波望遠鏡から数kmのところに陸上自衛隊が配備されるといわれ、その場合、敵艦艇や航空機などを検知する監視用レーダーが設置されるだろう。VERAの使用する電波の周波数は、2~45GHzの広い周波帯にまたがっており、監視用レーダーで使用する電波の周波数が、それに重なる可能性がある。そのため、レーダーの発信する電波がVERAの受信機に混入し、雑音となる恐れがある。2016年4月に石垣島で開催された住民説明会で防衛省が配布した資料には、この問題について、‘電波法を遵守して、影響を与えないように措置する必要がある’と記されているが、どのように混信を防ぐかということは言及されていない。一方、内閣府の行政官は準天頂衛星について講演し、地元に建てられた見慣れないアンテナに不安を感じる住民に対し、‘システムが整えば利用する機会が増えると思う。期待してほしい’と語ったとのことである。記事は、準天頂衛星について、日米両政府が推し進める宇宙の軍備強化との関連を一切論じていない。準天頂衛星システムの整備・拡張は、以下に述べるとおり、宇宙協力を通じた‘日米軍事同盟’の深化を図るために巨額の国家予算が投じられ、‘宇宙安全保障’の名のもとに優先的に取り組まれているものである。自動車のナビゲーションや自動走行、土地の測量や建設機械の自動制御など、大々的に宣伝される民生利用の背後に、この本質が隠されている。

(4)宇宙基本計画
1950年代中期に始まった日本の宇宙開発は、科学と、それを支える技術開発を中心に進められてきた。1969年の国会決議「宇宙の平和利用原則」によって一切の軍事利用は禁じられ、専門家は科学と民生利用の技術開発に専念した。少ない国家予算にも拘わらず、科学の水準は世界の最高レベルを維持し続けてきた。国家の威信をかけ軍事利用のもとで進められる他国の宇宙開発とは、一線を画してきたのである。2006年、太陽を観測する科学衛星「ひので」が鹿児島県内之浦から打ち上げられたとき、計画に関わってきた多くの国の科学者や技術者が、万感の想いでその打ち上げを見守った。平和利用に徹してきた日本の宇宙科学にたいする称賛と、間もなくその伝統が破壊されることを悲しむ気配が、打ち上げ場に満ちていた。

2年後の2008年、第一次安倍政権において、「宇宙の平和利用原則」は破棄され、軍事利用に道を開く宇宙基本法(注2)が制定された。以後、数年に一度改訂される「宇宙基本計画」に従って宇宙開発が進められ、次第に政府と宇宙航空産業(防衛産業)の意向が強く反映されるようになった。2013年に策定された第2次宇宙基本計画で、‘専守防衛の範囲内で’と書かれていた文言が削除され、ついに2015年度の宇宙基本計画(注3)は、宇宙開発の最重要目的が、‘積極的平和主義に基づく宇宙安全保障’であると宣言するに至った。

(5)準天頂衛星システム拡充の意味
2013年の「宇宙に関する包括的日米対話 第一回会合」(注4)の共同声明で、米国GPS及び日本の準天頂衛星システムによる測位、航法などのさらなる協力が盛り込まれた。それを受けて2015年の宇宙基本計画に、準天頂衛星を現在の1機から2017年には4機に拡充し、さらに2016年度の宇宙基本計画で、翌年から7機体制の開発を開始することが明記されたのである。完成は2023年ごろと見込まれている。その経費の総額は、4機で2000億円、7機では3800億円と見積もられている。

GPSは、アメリカ国防総省が管轄する軍事衛星で、ミサイル防衛の柱であり、無人機攻撃やミサイルの誘導に欠かせない。ロシアもGPSへの対抗措置として、同様の機能を持つGLONASSを運用し、中国、インド、欧州がこれに続いている。2015年度宇宙基本計画は、‘アジア太平洋地域の平和と安定のためにはアメリカの抑止力が不可欠’であり、‘抑止力の発揮のためにGPSが極めて重要な機能を果たしている’と述べている。さらに、GPS衛星が老朽化し、破壊された場合は、‘アメリカの抑止力が損なわれる’が、現在、その危険性が高まっているという危機感を表明している。これまで打ち上げられた推定6000機以上の人工衛星が、老朽化により多数の破片(宇宙ゴミとなり、宇宙空間に漂っている。1960年代から、米ソが、自国の衛星を自国のミサイルやレーザービームで攻撃し破壊する実験を繰り返してきた。さらに2007年に中国がミサイルで自国の衛星を破壊する実験を行い、2009年にはアメリカとロシアの衛星が衝突し、機体の破片などの宇宙ゴミが急激に増えた。そのため、航行する衛星に宇宙ゴミが衝突する危険性が高まったことが、GPSのぜい弱性を強調する背景となっている。宇宙基本計画で最優先課題とされた準天頂衛星システムの拡充は、GPSのぜい弱さを補い、さらに、日本列島から極東周辺地域の測位体制を各段に強化することが目的である。

GPSやGLONASSは、24機が地球の全体をカバーするグローバルなシステムであるのに対し、準天頂衛星は日本とオーストラリア大陸を結ぶ経度を中心にして、南北非対称の8の字の軌道を24時間かけて一周する、地域的な測位衛星である。準天頂衛星の送信周波数は、GPSのそれと完全に一致するよう設計されており、両方のデータを用いて精度の高い測位ができる。測位の精度は、GPSのデータのみでは10m程度であるが、準天頂衛星のデータで補えば1mから数cmの正確さで受信点の位置を決定できるといわれている(注5)。7機体制になると、日本上空に必ず4機が存在することになり、GPSのデータを使わずに24時間の測位が可能になる。巨額の税金がつぎ込まれる国家プロジェクトである準天頂衛星を活用する民生利用が、いま、産業界で活発に検討されている。‘システムが整えば利用する機会が増えると思う’という内閣府行政官の発言は、民生利用を強調することで、軍備拡張に対する社会からの批判を和らげる効果がある。「オフショア・バランシング」の構想で、沖縄から南西諸島の軍備を強化するためには、この地域の測位体制を整え、その精度を上げることが不可欠となる。さらに、読売新聞の報道によると、2023年ごろに宮古島に配備が予定されていると言われる新型地対艦ミサイルは、射程300kmで、軌道の中間段階ではGPSによる誘導で敵軍艦まで接近するという。今後、これに準天頂衛星のデータが使われる可能性がある。2016年3月18日の参議院予算委員会で、中谷防衛大臣(当時)が質問に答えて、滞空型の無人偵察機グローバル・ホークの導入を明言した。偵察機の誘導と自動着陸にも、準天頂衛星のデータが使われるだろう。南西諸島の軍備強化は、宇宙空間にまで広がっていくことになる。

(6)住民混在の戦いを繰り返してはならない
アジア・太平洋戦争末期、旧日本軍は、沖縄をアメリカの本土攻撃に対する盾として戦闘を展開し、20万人以上の死者を出した。‘あらゆる悲惨を集めた’と形容される沖縄戦の記憶は、今なお、沖縄の住民に受け継がれ、米軍基地建設に対する激しい抵抗運動の源泉となっている。一方、南西諸島などの離島では、米軍との直接的な地上戦はなかった。しかし、軍命により、石垣島や西表島などの住民は強制退去させられ、マラリア有病地域に移住させられた。飢えとマラリアで八重山地域だけで4000人近くの人々が命を落とした。強制退去は、軍が枯渇する食糧の現地調達のために、家畜や農産物などを接収することが目的であったと言われている。

周囲を海に囲まれた離島では、住民は逃げ場を失い、兵士と混在して戦闘に巻き込まれる。沖縄戦では、首里陥落のあとも32軍は降参せず、大本営の戦略のもとで本島南部への撤退を続けながら、住民を巻き込んだ持久戦を続けた。‘軍民一体’と評される所以である。2013年、沖大東島で行われた離島奪還訓錬について、琉球新報は「いったん敵に島を占領させた後、増援部隊が逆上陸して敵を撃破する戦い方が採用されたようだ。」と報じた。長い海岸線を持つ離島では、敵の上陸を事前に阻止することは不可能だ。住民混在の戦いにならざるを得ない。戦闘に先立って、いかに住民を安全に退避させるのかという点についての十分な検討がなされたという話は聞かない。住民の命を守るためには、軍備ではなく、戦争を回避するための外交と、周辺地域との交流を深めることが何より求められる。10月末に開かれた日本環境学会沖縄大会で、琉球大学の我部政明教授は、島嶼の安全保障における基本原則の一つに、‘周辺の世界との間の交通、運輸、通信の手段が安定的に存在する’ことを挙げた。近隣諸国とどのように信頼を築き上げるかを差し置いて、ひたすら軍備の拡張に走ることの危険性は計り知れない。

前田佐和子(まえだ・さわこ)
宇宙科学研究者、元京都女子大学教授。
著作 Transformation of Japanese Space Policy: From the “Peaceful Use of Space” to “the Basic Law on Space” Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus 
http://www.japanfocus.org/-Maeda-Sawako/3243

当ブログにおける前田氏の過去の投稿は、
2011年9月16日「揺れる八重山の教科書選び 」
2012年5月31日「八重山教科書問題の深層」
2012年11月11日「アメリカが’統治’する沖縄」

(1)「軍事戦略の中の沖縄」 伊波洋一 「世界」2016年1月号 岩波書店
(3)平成27年度宇宙基本計画 http://www8.cao.go.jp/space/plan/plan2/plan2.pdf
(4)宇宙に関する包括的日米対話 第一回会合
(5)準天頂衛星システムの機能 内閣府 http://www8.cao.go.jp/space/pdf/qzs/kinou.pdf






 [S.M.1]陸・空自衛隊開発ミサイル誘導システムにはGPS誘導が採用されている12式地対艦誘導弾の中間誘導に、GPS誘導が追加された。